Reflections from Bishop Rachel: Oranges and lemons

Rachel Treweek, Bishop of Gloucester, England

Oranges and lemons

Reflections on the necessity of ‘both-and’ in standing against the actions of the government of Israel in relation to the people of Palestine, whilst also standing against antisemitism in the UK

Standing in the present looking back

Just over a year ago in May 2025, I was once again visiting Israel-Palestine, primarily to show solidarity with the Episcopal Diocese of Jerusalem and to continue listening deeply to the voices of people in East Jerusalem and the West Bank. My thought-piece from that visit can be found here:  Shining a light and magnifying a whisper – Diocese of Gloucester

As I look back, I continue to reflect on the themes I first wrote about in July 2024. Israel-Palestine July 2024: Identity, Separation, Power and Trauma – Diocese of Gloucester yet since then, the situation across the Middle East has worsened, and  the devastating war with Iran and the conflict across the region, has resulted in a continued muffling of the voices and lives of Palestinians who are still under occupation and yet who seem to be barely visible on the political canvas.

Oranges and lemons

Eight months after that visit in May 2025, I returned in January 2026 for a further visit alongside two episcopal colleagues. Amid the pain of Palestinian communities living in constant fear and torment, there were gold threads of goodness in relationship, worship, shared food, and the beauty of landscape, even with the endless violent invasion by settlers, and the devastation of olive fields and livestock.

One joyful memory is of our visit to Nablus and the delight of picking lemons after the Sunday service in the Anglican church of St Philip. Those lemons of both beauty and bitterness seemed deeply symbolic of their context.

But there were orange trees too, and I was reminded of that childhood nursery rhyme ‘oranges and lemons’[i] perhaps not least because before becoming Bishop of Gloucester I lived in the City of London where my husband was a parish priest, and we enjoyed the varied church bells of the City, to which the nursery rhyme refers. Perhaps too the rhyme came to mind because of its dark narrative relating to justice.

As I reflect on that phrase of ‘oranges and lemons’ it resonates with my deep disturbance at our inability to hold different things together in tension at the same time – things that might seemingly be different, even opposite. Why is it that we have become a people of ‘either-or’ and rejected the ethos of ‘both-and’? Why can we not condemn the actions of this government of Israel regarding Palestine, and at the same time condemn antisemitism in the UK? The two things are entirely different and should not be conflated or cancel each other out. Jews in the UK are not responsible for the actions and decisions of a foreign government and we need to be extremely careful not to create false dichotomies.

Amazingly, one of the lemons from Nablus was presented to King Charles by my friend and colleague, the Bishop of Norwich. I was thinking of that when with Bishop Graham at the recent State Opening of Parliament. In the King’s Speech it was good and right to hear the clear condemnation of antisemitism on our streets. We have seen abhorrent attacks on Jews and synagogues, and it is appalling that Jewish neighbours and friends are living in such fear. It is right to shine a spotlight on this situation and to stand against it vehemently.

Yet, whilst a spotlight is rightly shone on the heinous antisemitism which insidiously prevails in this country, I am deeply perturbed that people are seemingly discouraged from also shining a spotlight of scrutiny on the heinous actions of the Israeli government meted out on the Palestinian people in Gaza, the West Bank and East Jerusalem, not least for fear of being accused of fanning antisemitism into flame. This is not a zero-sum space, and it is not incompatible to shine a spotlight on both of these issues at the same time.

Until recently, the spotlights on the atrocities of the government of Israel in Gaza and the West Bank seemed to have been switched off, or at best were merely flickering, not only because of the focus on the war with Iran but also because of the appalling anti-Jewish behaviour in our communities in the UK. We must be bold in inhabiting the landscape of ‘both-and’ rather than ‘either-or’. I believe this only becomes possible when we choose to act on the imperative to stand up for the God-given human dignity of every child, young person and adult.

Loving your neighbour

As a Christian, I take very seriously the call of Christ to love my neighbour as myself – indeed it is rooted in the Jewish teachings of the Torah. In Luke’s gospel, when the lawyer asks Jesus, ‘who is my neighbour?’, the answer is not an ‘either-or’ (Luke 10:25-37). In the UK, those of all faiths and no faith are all equally my neighbour. In Israel and Palestine, the Israeli Jew and the Palestinian Christian and Muslim should also be seen and treated as equal neighbours. Incidentally, it is unfortunate that Jesus Christ’s parable in Luke ch.10 has become known as the story of the good Samaritan, with the implication being that Samaritans were inherently bad.

Poignantly, in the vicinity of Nablus where we picked the lemons, there is a Samaritan community and it was heartening to see and hear of the ‘both-and’ work of the charity ‘Seeds’ which brings together young people of different faiths – Muslim, Christian and Samaritan – as they model what it is to create spaces of encounter across difference.

Living by the Law

The system of international law that has emerged since the second world war has sought to uphold human rights and human dignity for everyone, but this is rendered meaningless unless governments are held accountable and international law is universally upheld.

In a rules-based order, the UK government needs to ensure that the full force of our law is brought to bear to protect all those on our streets attacked for their faith and identity, and also to bring perpetrators of such hate crime to justice. At the same time, we need to be clear with the government of Israel that the repeated rhetoric of operating under a rules-based order is empty when the rules of international law are applied selectively such that the Palestinian people are diminished, unprotected, attacked, killed and vilified.

The brutal attacks unleashed on Southern Israel by Hamas on 7 October 2023 in which people were hideously killed, tortured, maimed and taken hostage, are to be unreservedly condemned, but not placed under a spotlight which then leaves the unjust treatment and suffering of the Palestinian people ignored, excused and kept hidden in the dark. Again, this is not an ‘either-or’ but a ‘both-and.’ Yet, there can only ever be ‘both-and’ when all people in Israel and occupied Palestine are afforded equal human dignity.

The statement signed on 22 May 2026

I was very glad to finally see a spotlight shone on Palestine in the strong statement (22 May 2026) signed by the UK government alongside the leaders of numerous countries[ii] affirming that ‘the situation in the West Bank has deteriorated significantly. Settler violence is at unprecedented levels. The policies and practices of the Israeli government, including a further entrenchment of Israeli control, are undermining stability and prospects for a two-state solution.’  

This week, the Israeli government is due to open the tender process for new settlements to be built in what is known as the E1 area. This will divide the West Bank in two and effectively put an end to any viable existence for a State of Palestine.

The 22 May statement not only opposes the E1 settlement development but also states clearly that it is a ‘serious breach of international law’ and that there will be ‘legal and reputational consequences of participating in settlement construction’ and that businesses ‘should not bid for construction tenders for E1 or any other settlement developments.’

There is a strong call to the government of Israel to ‘end its expansion of settlements and administrative powers’, and the statement strongly opposes those ‘including members of the Israeli government, who argue for annexation and forcible displacement of the Palestinian population.’ There is nothing ‘both-and’ about the actions and intent of the Israeli government.

Standing in the ‘both-and’ place

I do not know whether the two-state solution of ‘both-and’ remains a viable way forward, but I am inspired and encouraged by those who stand in the ‘both-and’ place – People such as ‘Rabbis for Human Rights’ who, whilst not agreeing with every perspective of their Palestinian neighbours, stand with them in solidarity for just treatment and their rights to their land. It has also been a privilege to engage with the organisation, ‘Breaking the Silence’ – ex-soldiers who once served in the Israeli Military and who now shine a spotlight on the horrors, including those they have been forced to participate in, across the West Bank, Gaza and East Jerusalem. Many of these ex-military men and women are passionate about Israel and their Jewish faith, but they are also passionate about the equal dignity of Palestinians, and they courageously speak out and act.

The dark ending of the nursery rhyme

If you are familiar with the verses of the childhood song ‘oranges and lemons’ you will recognise it as quite a dark nursery rhyme, with a narrative of debt and punishment in the shadow of what was once Newgate Prison adjacent to the old criminal courtrooms situated on Old Bailey in London (where the Central Criminal Court now stands). The bells of Old Bailey would have been those of the church of St Sepulchre-without-Newgate.

It is possible that the final words of the rhyme refer to the executions by hanging which took place outside the prison: ‘Here comes the candle to light you to bed, here comes the chopper to chop off your head…’.

There is something strangely chilling and apt about those words as I think of those oranges and lemons growing in occupied Palestine. In the West Bank, I have repeatedly heard Palestinians use the language of strangulation as more and more people are forced into ever smaller and restricted areas, bound by endless checkpoints, and where people’s liberty and dignity are diminished.  Furthermore, we are hearing evermore of the hardship and inhumane existence in Gaza as people are continuing to be forced into restricted areas of land, and life feels more like a death sentence.

Those final words of the nursery rhyme are also frighteningly apt given the March 2026 ruling of the Knesset to instigate the death penalty for those guilty of terrorism. The wording is such that if this law comes into effect, it will only be applied to Palestinians. Death will be by hanging.

Conclusion

As the very existence of Palestine is terrifyingly threatened by the E1 development, seemingly unfolding under the cover of darkness as the spotlight continues to shine almost exclusively on the awful war with Iran, and the separate but awful rise of antisemitism in the UK, we must hold our Government to account, not only regarding the latter but also in ensuring that the threats they have outlined in the statement of  22 May 2026 will not prove to be empty.

I am committed to keeping a spotlight on the suffering and oppression in Palestine (The West Bank, Gaza and East Jerusalem) and standing alongside our Christian and Muslim brothers and sisters; just as I am committed to keeping a spotlight on the anti-Jewish hatred in the UK, and standing alongside our Jewish brothers and sisters here. The Christian imperative is for us to seek to be good neighbours to all – and to act and speak for equal human dignity for all. There is no place for ‘either-or’, only ‘both-and’.

Earlier this month as I visited the Central Criminal Court of Old Bailey, I walked past Holy Sepulchre church, named after the Holy Sepulchre in Jerusalem – the holy Christian site of Christ’s hope-filled empty tomb. When those bells ring out in London may they do so for justice and dignity for all people – in London and across the UK, and in Palestine and Israel, and beyond.

Rt Revd Rachel Treweek, Bishop of Gloucester           1 June 2026

[i] Oranges and lemons,
Say the bells of St Clement’s.
You owe me five farthings,
Say the bells of St Martin’s.

When will you pay me?
Say the bells of Old Bailey.
When I grow rich,
Say the bells of Shoreditch.

When will that be?
Say the bells of Stepney.
I do not know,
Say the great bells of Bow.

Here comes a candle to light you to bed.
And here comes a chopper to chop off your head!
Chip chop chip chop the last man is dead.

January 18 & 19 | Dr. Mark Braverman in Portland, Oregon

We’re excited to share that Dr. Mark Braverman, Executive Director of Kairos USA, will be speaking in Portland, Oregon on January 18 & 19. Mark’s talks and follow-up Q&A sessions will cover:

  • Jewish history, Zionism, and Palestinian resistance leading up to October 7th.
  • Antisemitism — what it is and why it’s important.
  • The history of church complicity in colonialism, its struggles with equality and human rights, and why the church matters today.
  • The U.S. political landscape — coming to terms with our settler-colonial DNA.
  • What’s next — a return to the status quo, or a new future from the river to the sea?

Thursday, January 18th
First Unitarian Church — Eliot Chapel
SW Salmon St. & SW 12th Ave., Portland, OR
6:30 to 8:30 p.m.
Mark’s talk will be followed by a reception.

Friday, January 19th
Grace Memorial Episcopal Church
1535 NE 17th St., Portland, OR
10 to 11:30 a.m.
Coffee, tea, and snacks provided!

Please share using the fliers below, and invite your friends and family to attend!

Zionism’s uneasy relationship with anti-Semitism

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The Israeli embrace of Christian evangelicals — whose plans for Jews are conversion or a fiery death — mirrors the warm relationship that Zionists had with antisemitic leaders in Germany and Italy.

By Alice Rothchild | Mondoweiss | Nov 19, 2019

[Herzl] would declare in his foundational pamphlet that ‘the Governments of all countries scourged by Anti-Semitism will be keenly interested in assisting us to obtain [the] sovereignty we want’; and indeed that not ‘only poor Jews’ would contribute to an immigration fund for European Jews, ‘but also Christians who wanted to get rid of them.’
— Columbia University professor Joseph Massad

I grew up with a deep love for Israel, the redemptive, out-of the-ashes, kibbutz-loving, feisty little country that could do no wrong, fighting for its life in a sea of hateful Arabs and Jew-haters. I learned that Jews were a people dedicated to worship and the study of Torah and this identity kept us alive during the centuries of antisemitism in Europe. If I was not able to dedicate myself to the religiosity of my davening grandfather, tfillin and all, I understood that as a people, we were deeply committed to healing the world and working for social justice, an equally virtuous and inherently Jewish task. After all, we were naturally good, or as my mother explained, Jews bore the responsibility of being chosen for a uniquely positive role in this world.

As the decades passed, this mythology shattered against the hard rocks of reality. One of the most difficult contradictions I now face is understanding the perverse relationship between Zionism and antisemitism. I was sold the story that political Zionism developed as a response to antisemitism and as a modern, liberating movement in the backward Middle East. But in 1897 as modern Zionism was born, it adopted the trope of the diaspora Jew as a pale, flaccid, yeshiva bocher, a parasite, an eternal alien, a nebbish. That Zionism embraced the idea that this pathetic weakling (who was often to be blamed for antisemitism) needed to be Aryanized into the bronzed, muscular Hebrew farmer/warrior tilling the soil in the Galilee is a chilling realization. The evolution of Jews as a people who lived by Torah and its commandments into a biological race with distinct characteristics, (the money Jew, the ghetto Jew, the swarthy, hook-nosed Jew) mirrors the worst canards of anti-Semites, European fascists, and white supremacists.

Continue reading “Zionism’s uneasy relationship with anti-Semitism”

The Palestinians have not gone away

Palestinian boys wave national flags. (photo: Hatem Moussa / AP)

Seventy years after the Nakba, Israel has not succeeded in erasing Palestine — or the Palestinians.

By Rashid Khalidi | The Nation | May 10, 2018


After seven decades of attempting to replace one people with another, Zionism faces the unsustainability of such a project in the 21st century. . . . It is losing that battle today, which is a cause for optimism for those who seek peace with justice for Palestinians and Israelis.


With the replacement of Palestine by Israel and the expulsion of most of its Arab population in 1948, it appeared that the Zionist dream had become a reality. A Jewish state had arisen, and there was no competing Palestinian state; ethnic cleansing had produced a massive demographic transformation, and the land of all those “absent” Arabs could be appropriated.

The Zionists’ hope and expectation was that the refugees would simply disappear, and even the memory that this had been an Arab-majority country for more than a millennium could be effaced. As Golda Meir put it, “There were no such thing as Palestinians. . . . They did not exist.” It seemed that the colonial-settler ideal had been realized: The natives were gone, there was plenty of space, their beautiful stone houses could be repurposed, and their “khummus” could be rebranded and mispronounced.

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This is Israel at 70: Zionism as Racism

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Asylum seekers protest at the Rwanda Embassy in Herzliya, Israel, Feb 7, 2018. (photo: Moti Milrod / Haaretz)

It hurts me to write what I’m about to. But it also hurts me to live in this place today.

By Bradley Burston | Haaretz | Apr 4, 2018


Don’t get me wrong. I understand where much of this comes from. Jews of all ethnicities bear the scars and the genetic memory of every manner of heinous racism, up to and including genocide.

It’s all too true, at the same time, that in a tragic given of human nature, the abused is at great risk of becoming an abuser.


This is Zionism as racism. This is Israel at 70.

This is a country which so demeans and dismisses and conflates Palestinian lives, that after a horrendous casualty rate in massive demonstrations at the Gaza border over the weekend, Eli Hazan, a spokesman for Benjamin Netanyahu’s Likud, referred to the men, women, children and elderly protesters camped hundreds of meters from the border fence, and told i24 News Monday without flinching:

“All 30,000 are legitimate targets.”

Continue reading “This is Israel at 70: Zionism as Racism”

You don’t have to be anti-Zionist to listen to Palestinian voices

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A Palestinian woman at an Israeli checkpoint. (photo: Getty Images)

An essay on “admitting Israel’s imperfections.”

By Matthew Gindin | The Forward | Nov 29, 2017


Harassment and inhumane conduct sometimes practiced by members of the IDF towards Palestinians has been well documented. It should horrify us, and we should make no excuses for it.


On November 27, the Forward published an opinion piece by Palestinian activist and journalist Mariam Barghouti, who asserted that one cannot be both a feminist and a Zionist. Despite the fact that the Forward’s opinion section published, on the same day, an essay promoting the point of view of “Zioness,” a feminist Zionist organization, The Forward’s opinion editor, Batya Ungar-Sargon, was besieged by hate mail from Jewish writers, including a threat to “rape and behead” her, as well as one calling her a “demented scumbag kapo.”

Although I am proud to write for an outlet that is committed to a pluralism of opinions and that publishes Palestinian voices, I don’t agree with Barghouti’s fundamental thesis. I do think one can be a feminist and Zionist, though of course, as many commentators pointed out, it depends on how you define Zionism and how you define feminism. In her essay, Barghouti makes feminism synonymous with general humanism. As she writes, “Fundamentally speaking, feminism cannot support racism, supremacy and oppressive domination in any form.”

Continue reading “You don’t have to be anti-Zionist to listen to Palestinian voices”

A history lesson on Zionism

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The author responds to criticism of anti-Zionism as being anti-Semitic.

By Robert A. H. Cohen / Patheos / Nov 8, 2017


The crimes against the Palestinians should not have to match the Holocaust before we can express our horror or outrage.


Dear Professor Schama,

I’ve just read your letter to The Times this week about Zionism and antisemitism in the Labour Party, co-signed by your fellow historian Simon Sebag Montefiore and novelist Howard Jacobson. As you’re the senior academic, I’m addressing my concerns to you, although I’m slightly embarrassed at having to offer someone of your reputation a history lesson.

While I’m sympathetic to some of your points over the language and tone of the Israel/Palestine debate in some parts of the British left, overall your letter only adds to the lock down of freedom of speech on Israel by attempting to make criticism of Zionism toxic by association. That doesn’t feel like a good position for you to take as a public intellectual.

Your letter makes questioning either the theory or outcomes of Zionism politically, socially and morally unacceptable. In my view, that does little to help our understanding of Zionism, modern Jewish history, or traditional rabbinic Judaism. And, like others before you, you are muddying the meaning of antisemitism.

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Why young Jews don’t trust what their institutions say about Israel

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American Jews from the Center for Jewish Nonviolence meet with Palestinians in the West Bank. (photo: Gili Getz)

Growing up, the Conservative movement embraced nuanced approaches to the Torah, yet that critical approach never extended to discussions of Israel. Questioning Zionism was verboten.

By Eliana Fishman / +972 Magazine / Sep 14, 2017


No one within the Conservative movement ever discussed the rabbinic texts that oppose the Jewish people’s return to the Land of Israel. Questioning Zionism was verboten. And no one knew, and still, to this day no one knows what the occupation looks like.


It was the summer before eighth grade at Camp Ramah in the Berkshires, a Jewish summer camp affiliated with the Conservative Movement. I was 12 years old. Each camper was handed a copy of Mitchell Bard’s Myths and Facts, long considered a foundational hasbara textbook, and we were told that the author would be coming to speak to us.

Most campers ignored the book and didn’t pay much attention to Bard’s presentation. One particularly precocious camper, who actually read through the book, took the time to highlight misleading arguments and logical inconsistencies, and challenged the author during his lecture. Bard made light of the critiques and brushed them aside, insisting that every accusation against Israel was rooted in anti-Semitism, and that there was no way human rights violations had anything to do with Palestinian discontent.

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Crusaders and Zionists

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(image: Christianity Today)

By Uri Avnery / Antiwar.com
September 2, 2017


“When you were writing your book, did you ever think about the similarities between the Crusaders and the modern Zionists?” [the author inquired.]
“Actually, I hardly thought about anything else. I wanted to subtitle the book ‘A Guidebook For the Zionist About How Not To Do It,’ but my Jewish friends advised me to abstain from doing so.”
— British Historian Seven Runciman


A few days ago I found myself in Caesarea, sitting in a restaurant and looking out over the sea. The sunbeams were dancing on the little waves, the mysterious ruins of the ancient town arrayed behind me. It was hot, but not too hot, and I was thinking about the crusaders.

Caesarea was built by King Herod some 2000 years ago and named after his Roman master, Augustus Caesar. It once again became an important town under the Crusaders, who fortified it. These fortifications are what now makes the place a tourist attraction.

For some years in my life I was obsessed with the Crusaders. It started during the 1948 “War of Independence,” when I chanced to read a book about the crusaders and found that they had occupied the same locations opposite the Gaza strip which my battalion was occupying. It took the crusaders several decades to conquer the strip, which at the time extended to Ashkelon. Today it is still there in Muslim hands.

After the war, I read everything I could about these Crusaders. The more I read, the more fascinated I became. So much so, that I did something I have never done before or after: I wrote a letter to the author of the most authoritative book about the period, the British historian Steven Runciman.

To my surprise, I received a handwritten reply by return of post, inviting me to come and see him when I happened to be in London. I happened to be in London a few weeks later and called him up. He insisted I come over immediately.

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The Zionist Tango: Why I Prefer Ayelet Shaked

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Justice Minister Ayelet Shaked, March 2017. (photo: Eliyahu Hershkovitz)

Why the racist honesty of Justice Minister Ayelet Shaked is preferable to the fake views of the Israeli left.

By Gideon Levy / Haaretz
Sseptember 3, 2017

[Ed. note: This is the last of a quartet of articles that appeared recently in Haaretz. We are posting them in succession and recommend that they be read in order.]


With [Shaked], what you see is what you get — racism. In its actions and deeds, the Zionist left has done everything to implement Shaked’s views, only in polished words and without acknowledgement. The Zionist left is embarrassed by things Shaked and her colleagues are not ashamed of. That doesn’t make the left any more moral or just. It has merely been quasi-Shaked in its actions.


Ravit Hecht attributes a “fragrance of true love” for my “honest, brave princess,” Justice Minister Shaked, in her op-ed “When Gideon Levy fell in love with Ayelet Shaked.” Hecht knows my taste in women is slightly different than that, and that, despite what she writes, I don’t know how to dance the tango. But my appreciation for Shaked and her ilk is that they do not deceive: they openly acknowledge their nationalism and racism.

They don’t hide their belief that the Palestinians are an inferior people, indigenous inhabitants who will never gain the rights Jews have in the Land of Israel-Palestine; that no Palestinian state will ever be established here; that Israel will ultimately annex all of the occupied territories, as it already has done in practice; that the Jews are the Chosen People; that Zionism is in contradiction to human rights and superior to them; that dispossession is redemption; that biblical property rights are eternal; that there is no Palestinian people and no occupation; and that the current reality will last forever.

Many of these views are also held among the Zionist left, Hecht’s ideological camp. The only difference is that the Zionist left has never admitted it. It envelops its views in the glittering wrapping paper of peace talks, separation and hollow rhetoric about two states, words it has never really meant and has done precious little to realize.

Continue reading “The Zionist Tango: Why I Prefer Ayelet Shaked”